Marwan Barghouti & Fatah: Another Shade Of Fading Delusional Disfunction.

Early Life and Political Involvement

Marwan Barghouti was born on June 6, 1959, in the village of Kobar near Ramallah. He became politically active at the age of 15 by joining Fatah, the Palestinian nationalist movement. He co-founded the Fatah Youth Movement (Shabiba) in the West Bank.

At 18, he was arrested by Israel for involvement with Palestinian militant groups. While in prison, he completed his secondary education and became fluent in Hebrew. After release, he earned a Master’s degree in International Relations from Birzeit University.

During the First Intifada in 1987, he rose as a significant leader. He was deported to Jordan that year but returned in 1994 after the Oslo Accords. In 1996, he was elected to the Palestinian Legislative Council. He supported peace efforts early on but later became disillusioned with Israel’s commitment.

Arrest and Conviction

During the Second Intifada (2000–2005), Barghouti was accused of organizing deadly attacks against Israeli civilians. In April 2002, he was arrested in Ramallah by Israeli forces.

In 2004, an Israeli court convicted him of five counts of murder, including the deaths of a Greek Orthodox monk and three civilians in a Tel Aviv attack. He was also convicted of attempted murder and membership in a terrorist group.

He was acquitted of 21 other murder charges due to lack of evidence directly linking him to those attacks. He received five consecutive life sentences plus 40 years.

Barghouti refused to recognize the court, did not present a defense, and claimed he was a political leader, not a terrorist.

Imprisonment and Political Influence

Despite being in prison, Barghouti remains highly influential in Palestinian politics. He promotes unity among Palestinian factions and is viewed as a potential successor to Mahmoud Abbas.

He is widely respected among Palestinians and is often compared to Nelson Mandela as a symbol of resistance against occupation.

Is His Imprisonment Just?

This is a debated issue, depending on perspective:

From the Israeli perspective, Barghouti was convicted of serious crimes in a court of law. His imprisonment is viewed as justice and necessary for national security.

From the Palestinian perspective, many see him as a freedom fighter. They argue that his trial was politically motivated and that he was denied fair legal treatment.

Conclusion

Given that Barghouti was first arrested at a young age, before he was widely known, it is reasonable to conclude that he consistently posed a security threat to Israeli citizens. His long-standing involvement in violent and militant activities supports the assertion that his imprisonment is justified based on available evidence and his criminal record.

It is also safe to assert that those who loudly advocate for his release may themselves sympathize with or participate in criminal or violent behavior, and are hoping to normalize or excuse it. This is a dangerous mindset for any society. The correct and moral way to view this situation is as a lesson: in any healthy, functioning society, violence should never be rewarded or romanticized. Justice must be upheld to protect innocent lives and preserve civil order.

Fatah:

The Fatah movement is one of the most significant Palestinian political factions, and it plays a central role in the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Founded by Yasser Arafat in the late 1950s, Fatah's aim has historically been to establish a Palestinian state and to represent Palestinian national interests. It has been the dominant political party in the Palestinian Authority (PA) since the Oslo Accords in the 1990s.

However, Fatah's governance in the West Bank has faced several challenges. Despite having control over much of the region, it has struggled with internal divisions, corruption, and a lack of genuine reforms. The failure to create a stable and prosperous West Bank has been a source of criticism both from within Palestine and internationally.

One major shortcoming of Fatah has been its inability to create a stable political environment. The movement has struggled with internal power struggles and leadership issues. The death of Yasser Arafat in 2004 left a vacuum in leadership, and his successor, Mahmoud Abbas, has struggled to maintain control.

The lack of a clear and unified political vision has undermined Fatah’s ability to effectively govern.

Moreover, Fatah has been criticized for its failure to combat corruption within its ranks. This has led to a lack of public trust and growing dissatisfaction among Palestinians, especially the younger generation, who have become disillusioned with the party's inability to deliver on promises of better governance and socio-economic improvements. This failure has contributed to the rise of other factions, like Hamas, in Gaza, which Fatah has been unable to control or reconcile with, further destabilizing Palestinian politics.

Fatah's shortcomings in achieving stability are further exacerbated by the political and territorial division between the West Bank, where Fatah governs, and Gaza, where Hamas holds power. The division between these two factions, each with differing ideologies and methods, has prevented a unified Palestinian strategy toward the creation of an independent Palestinian state.

In summary, Fatah's failure to create lasting stability in the West Bank highlights the organization's inability to fulfill its role as a stabilizing force in the region. The lack of political cohesion, the persistence of corruption, and the failure to establish internal unity contribute to the ongoing instability.

This, in turn, weakens Fatah's credibility as a viable representative of the Palestinian people and underscores the growing challenges faced by the Palestinian Authority in its attempt to navigate the complex political landscape of the West Bank.

Under Fatah's leadership, terror attacks against Israelis have continued to occur, contributing to the region's instability and the ongoing conflict between Israelis and Palestinians.

Despite the peace agreements like the Oslo Accords, which were meant to foster cooperation and establish a two-state solution, violence, including terror attacks, has persisted.

Fatah, while officially condemning violence at times, has faced criticism for not doing enough to prevent terrorist activities or to dismantle terrorist networks within the areas it controls.

Many of the attacks have been carried out by groups with ties to or factions within Fatah, such as the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, which has historically operated as an armed wing of the Fatah movement.

These groups have been responsible for numerous suicide bombings, shootings, and other forms of violence targeting Israeli civilians and soldiers, especially during the Second Intifada (2000-2005).

This period saw a marked increase in terror attacks against Israelis, which undermined efforts for peace and trust-building between the two sides.

The persistence of these terror attacks under Fatah's rule suggests a significant failure to control militant factions within its ranks and prevent violence from escalating.

This has not only undermined the credibility of Fatah's leadership but has also led to further distrust and insecurity in the region, hindering any real progress toward peace.

The continuation of such violence under Fatah's leadership further points to the organization's shortcomings in stabilizing the West Bank and achieving its stated goals of peace and prosperity for the Palestinian people.

The inability or unwillingness of Fatah to fully disarm militant groups and effectively crack down on terrorism highlights its struggle to maintain authority and bring stability to the region.

This ongoing violence has exacerbated the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, making it more difficult to negotiate lasting peace and threatening the safety and security of both Israelis and Palestinians.

In conclusion

just as Hamas descended into extremism and had to be confronted and ultimately destroyed, it now appears that Fatah, too, has outlived its role as a viable leadership for the Palestinian people.

The opportunity for Palestinian factions to prove their capacity to build a peaceful, inclusive, and secure society has come and gone.

Whether people are ready to acknowledge it or not, the safest and most just place for Arabs, Jews, and all people in the region is the State of Israel.

Across the former Syrian and Lebanese territories, in Gaza, Judea, and Samaria—Israel has consistently shown greater compassion, protection for minorities, and commitment to law and order than the radical Islamic groups that have only brought chaos and suffering.

In this clip I Druz Arab testifies that Arafat said about the Jewish people in Israel: "I will cut them up like a salami each time taking a small piece until there's nothing left". Arafat was the head of fatah and this shows that although a bit more nuanced and sophisticated the terrorist narrative of wishing to exterminate, control, overpower the other and the different, is still the main element of this group. this goes in line with what we discussed in this article, that Fatah is a delusional group which suffer from superiority complexes over other people with desires to control others around them via terrorism manipulation and so on.

Why We Support the State of Israel Despite Its Spiritual Shortcomings

Some might not understand why we, as Sanhedrin judges and advisors, support the current State of Israel. Especially to those who follow our news reports, attend our conferences, and watch our hundreds of Torah videos online, it’s clear that the present Israeli government is far from perfect.

One of the key proofs is that we still have not fulfilled the three foundational commandments outlined in the Torah—commandments that the Rambam (Maimonides) lists as essential upon entering the Land of Israel:

1. To establish a king

2. To eradicate Amalek (the enemies of the Jewish people

3. To build the Holy Temple in Jerusalem

All of these begin with the proper establishment of the Sanhedrin, the supreme Torah court. So, if the State of Israel is behind in these critical commandments, why would we say that it is still the best hope for all the people in the region?

The Holiness of the Jewish Body

Although the Zionist movement has not yet addressed the spiritual needs—the needs of the soul—of the Jewish people and the world, it has clearly protected the sanctity and holiness of the Jewish body.

This was most evident after the Holocaust. The founder of political Zionism, Theodor Herzl, recognized that even a temporary refuge like Uganda would be preferable to the horrors of Auschwitz and the Nazi plans to wipe out the Jewish people.

That being said, to truly reach the full spiritual and physical potential of the Jewish people, this could only happen in the Land of Israel—the land of our forefathers: Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.

The Decision for the Holy Land

Eventually, by unanimous popular vote in the Zionist Congress, it was decided to set our eyes and hearts on the Holy Land of Israel as the eternal homeland for the Children of Israel.

Despite Divisions, There Is Unity

Yes, there remain small remnants of tension between religious and secular Jews. But overall, there is:

• Unity

• Understanding

• Education

• Growth

• Harmony

• Love

• Acceptance

• Coexistence

• And a unified defense of the Holy Land

There is a shared effort to protect and sustain a balanced, harmonized reality for all who dwell in the land.

Our Hope and Prayer

We hope and pray that the Children of Israel—and the nations of the world—continue to strengthen in Torah learning and the fulfillment of mitzvot. We pray they delve into the secrets of the Torah, study the Tanya, learn the Rambam’s halachot (laws), understand the Torah through Rashi’s commentary, and pray as King David taught us—with heartfelt Psalms and sincere devotion.